Literally translated it means the Law of People.
Actually, no. My father the Latin scholar J.M. Cobban (author of Civis Romanus and other fine works) would have had a fit. "Gentium" is the genitive plural of Gens, gentis. Hence "Jus Gentium" means "Law of the Peoples". A very significant difference!
As someone who has both studied Latin and met and interviewed Khaled Mish'al a number of times, I would like to know who is behind this "Jus Gentium"...
--Jus Gentium
The Mashal Moment
Could new PLO elections be the trigger for Palestinian political renewal?
Khalid Mashal should seize this moment. He can lead Hamas into the PLO and guide the movement toward a new future by renouncing violence, accepting the two-state solution, and fully embracing the new PLO elections.
Last Saturday, Palestinian Authority President and PLO Chairman Mahmoud Abbas announced that elections would be held for the Palestinian National Council (PNC). This move was most probably a strategic calculation designed to disadvantage Hamas, which is seen as a rival to his Fatah movement. Hamas might be at a low point in its popularity after nearly two years of war in Gaza. Abbas gambles that enough Palestinians will blame Hamas for the war, leading to a favorable electoral result for his Fatah party.
Furthermore, Mr. Abbas specifically welcomed Hamas to enter the election. He stated they could do so under the existing structure of the PLO and adhere to all agreements and commitments the PLO has made in the past. These include agreements recognizing Israel and declaring a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza.
Hamas has been simultaneously battered and buoyed by regional events in recent years. The events of the Arab Spring battered it. However, the response, sympathy, and solidarity garnered by the war in Gaza buoyed it. It remains to be seen whether this public sentiment translates into a Palestinian electoral victory, or if it is primarily a broader Arab and global response to the war, which would have less effect on the Palestinian electorate.
Despite outward appearances, Hamas has suffered from internal divisions on policy and ideology. A split developed over Syria. Some of Hamas's leadership sided with the regime of Bashar al-Assad during the Arab Spring and the ensuing civil war. Consequently, they developed closer relationships with Hezbollah and Iran. These relationships influenced the planning, buildup, training, and eventual execution of the October 7th attack by Hamas's military wing in Gaza.
Meanwhile, another political and ideological bloc, led by Khalid Mashal, sided with the Islamic Brotherhood and Sunni jihadists within the anti-government forces during the Syrian civil war. When Hamas's political leadership was expelled from Syria, Khaled Mashal, along with his clique in the Hamas politburo, ended up in Qatar and Turkey. Notably, these countries have close relationships with the Islamic Brotherhood and share their ideology.
Adding to this rift is the current one between the Gaza-based military wing and the political elite living abroad. The military wing is headed by radicals like Izzy El Din Haddad, who have the final say on what happens to the Israeli hostages in Gaza. This younger generation of the Gaza Hamas military wing knows little of the outside world. They were brought up in a besieged Gaza, and their lives revolve around governing its two million inhabitants, controlling aid flows, and enforcing strict Islamic law in the territory. They want the negotiations to return them to that status quo and care little for the PLO or even the outside world at large.
This is the moment for Mr. Mashal to show leadership to his young comrades. He must explain that what is at stake is more than ruling over a blighted coastal strip of land. It is a global movement that has grabbed headlines around the globe with claims for nothing less than self-determination and statehood for the Palestinian people. Mashal must explain to his colleagues why now is not the time to think small.
This moment might appear to be one of weakness to Abbas and Fatah. However, Hamas has proven in the past that it is an effective campaigner. Today, it can leverage global notoriety for a global electoral campaign. This could be the moment to take a cue from the new Syrian president, Ahmad Al Sharaa. He was once the head of a terrorist organization, the HTS, but is now the leader of Syria, recognized by America and the Western world. He has changed his old ways and been integrated into the international community with help from Turkey, Qatar, and other friendly Arab and Islamic states.
The PLO was created at a time when Arab nationalism was a radical ideology. Its makeup of Arab-aligned groups, leftists, and nationalists reflects that time period. For a new election to usher in movements aligned with political Islam is appropriate if it is to be truly representative of contemporary Palestinian and the regional politics at large.
However, this will not be easy and will not come without compromise or sacrifice. Many Palestinians view Hamas as insensitive to the plight and suffering of Gaza's population. Perhaps it is time for Hamas to pay the political price and make the political sacrifice necessary to bring political Islam into the PLO and end this chapter of Palestinian division.
This process first requires an end to hostilities in Gaza, which means a deal on the hostages and disarmament of Hamas. A deal might mean exile for some Hamas members. It might be time to hand over the running of Gaza to a temporary technocratic government or even a coalition of Arab, Islamic, and international forces. It is time for Hamas to reap what it has sown from the Palestinian public via the ballot box, for better or worse.
If October 7th and their 16-year rule in Gaza were so popular, they would stand to win a majority of seats in the PLO, as they did in the Palestinian Authority’s Legislative Council (PLC) in 2006. Fatah is not in great shape (as we will discuss next week), with elderly candidates, many of whom are seen as corrupt, and internal rivalries and disunity still plaguing their party. Hamas might have a real chance of winning the big prize and the international recognition that comes with it.
With a clear majority in the PLO, Hamas could remake the organization in any shape it pleases, except that of an armed militia. It must prove that it is able to abide by the rules of a multi-party democracy and live by the commitments and agreements signed by the institution they seek membership in. This means magnanimity in victory and grace in defeat.
Hamas failed in this challenge once before. After the 2006 election, its militia forcefully took and held Gaza. Similarly, Fatah has forcefully held on to the West Bank without an electoral mandate. A new election for the PLC can be a chance for both to change this dynamic from the language of force to the language of reason.
Parties now will be forced to reason with the citizenry and explain why voting for Hamas might be in their interest. They have the specter of Gaza and its destruction to overcome when making this argument. However, it might be the right moment for Mashal and any more moderate Hamas leadership to bring out the military wing, integrate them into the larger fold of the movement, and trust that the future holds justice.
An often-repeated parable in Islamic history is that of Saladin, the military leader who drove out the Crusaders from the Holy Land, and Omar Ibn Alkhatab, the second Caliph, who took it peacefully, respecting those who came before him and acknowledging the claims of all its people. In entering elections and beginning this new chapter, the movement’s next manifestation should be closer to Omar Ibn Alkhatab than Saladin.
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